Avec près de la moitié de la population résidant en zones urbaines, le Sénégal présente un taux d’urbanisation supérieur à la moyenne observée en Afrique subsaharienne (40 %). Dans ce pays, la proportion de citadins a quasiment doublé ces dernières décennies — de 23 % dans les années 1960, elle est passée à 43 % en 2013 — et devrait s’établir à 60 % à l’horizon 2030. Certes, cet essor s’accompagne d’immenses défis, mais il offre aussi aux responsables sénégalais l’occasion d’opérer une transformation structurelle de l’économie.
With almost half of its population living in urban areas, Senegal is ahead of Sub-Saharan Africa’s average urbanization rate of 40%. Senegal’s urban population has almost doubled in the last few decades, rising from 23% in 1960 to 43% in 2013, and is projected to reach 60% by 2030. This growth comes with immense challenges, but also constitutes an opportunity for Senegalese policymakers to structurally transform the Senegalese economy.
Last year two of my friends welcomed new babies into their families: James and Maureen (not their real names). Both babies were born in Metropolitan Nairobi - the fastest growing urban area in the country. Their births added to the growing urban popluation in Kenya, which will double to 24 million by 2035 and more than triple to 40 million by 2050. The Kenya Urbanization Review projects that by that time, that there will be nearly as many Kenyans living in urban areas as there are Kenyans today. Kenya’s urban transition has begun.
Les difficultés d’accès à la terre et la multiplication des conflits fonciers sont devenues des préoccupations majeures pour les habitants des villes d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Bien que la volonté politique de s’attaquer aux problèmes fonciers soit de plus en plus affirmée au plus haut niveau, les décideurs publics ne savent cependant pas toujours très bien par où l’action publique doit commencer tant la question des marchés fonciers est à la fois complexe et épineuse.
La première étape est tout simplement de chercher à comprendre le fonctionnement des marchés fonciers dans ces villes qui sont caractérisées par le pluralisme des droits fonciers. Les études existantes se limitent cependant le plus souvent au seul marché foncier formel dont le développement et la généralisation sont présentés comme le seul moyen d’assurer la sécurité de la tenure foncière. Or, réduire ainsi l’étude des marchés fonciers ne permet pas de comprendre pourquoi 60 à 80% des habitants des ville vivent dans des quartiers informels où la sécurité de la tenure n’est pas garantie, ni de répondre aux problèmes auxquels sont confrontées les villes de la région : une croissance spatiale incontrôlée, une grande insécurité foncière pour les exploitants agricoles dans les zones périurbaines et l’hinterland rural où dominent encore largement les régimes fonciers coutumiers, l’épuisement des réserves foncières de l’Etat—qui avaient contribué à l’offre de terrains au cours des dernières décennies de croissance urbaine—et l’aggravation des conflits fonciers—source de déstabilisation politique.
The difficulty of acceessing land, and a growing number of land disputes, have become major concerns in West African cities. In spite of political will expressed at the highest level of government, policymakers are often at a loss as to what can be done given the complexity and sensitivity of land market issues.
The first step toward a solution is to understand the functioning of land markets in West African cities, which are characterized by land rights pluralism. Existing studies have tended to limit their focus to formal land markets as the only option for improving land tenure security. Such a restrictive approach does not explain why 60—80 percent of city residents actually live in informal settlements where land tenure is insecure. Nor can it shed light on the challenges faced by cities in the region: uncontrolled spatial expansion; very weak tenure security of agricultural landholders in peri-urban areas and in the rural hinterland (where customary forms of tenure remain predominant); increasing scarcity of public land reserves that cannot continue to supply land for housing to accompany urban growth as in previous decades; and increased prevalence and frequency of land-related conflicts, which may induce political instability.
Let's think together: Every Sunday the World Bank in Tanzania in collaboration with The Citizen wants to stimulate your thinking by sharing data from recent official surveys in Tanzania and ask you a few questions.
Easy access to markets, public services, and jobs is indispensable for citizens to take advantage of economic opportunities and achieve progress. In Tanzania, as in most other countries in the region, roads are the predominant mode of transport for people and goods. However, insufficient transportation facilities and limited mobility are an everyday reality:
- In 2010, only 1.8 per cent of Tanzanian households owned a car; significantly less than in Kenya (5.6 per cent in 2008/09) or Uganda (3.2 per cent in 2011).
- Motorbike ownership is also not common – only 2.9 per cent of households on Mainland claimed ownership of this vehicle in 2010. The situation in Zanzibar though was different with one in ten households owning a motorcycle or scooter.
- Affordable public transport remains elusive for many Tanzanians: In 2010, more than 40 per cent of women who recently gave birth at home cited distance and lack of transport as the factors that prevented them from delivering at a health facility.
Tanzania has been growing steadily over the past ten years and 2012 was no different. The economy expanded by 6.9 percent, which is close to the historical average. A look at national accounts reveals that five sectors contributed to almost 60 per cent of Tanzania’s economic growth between 2008 and 2012:
- Communication GDP almost doubled in less than four years, growing on average by over 20 per cent per year.
- Banking and financial services have expanded by 11 per cent per year since 2008.
- Retail trade increased by almost 40 percent between 2008 and 2012.
- Construction surged by an average of 9 percent per year over the same period.
- Manufacturing grew annually by 8.4 percent during the last four years.
Most of the literature about Africa’s growth, “Africa Rising”, “Lions on the Move”, etc., refer to the present or the future. An oft-quoted World Bank report said, “Africa could be on the brink of an economic takeoff, much like China was 30 years ago and India 20 years ago.”
Meanwhile, Alwyn Young has recently published a paper that claims that per-capita consumption on the continent has been growing at 3.4-3.7 percent a year for the last two decades—about three to four times the growth rates documented in other studies. Instead of using national accounts data (which, as we know, suffer from several deficiencies), Alwyn adopts the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), which calculate the households’ ownership of assets and other indicators of well-being (ownership of a car or bicycle; material of the house floor; birth, death or illness of a child, etc.).
In 1884, the General Act of Berlin Conference established borders of African colonies. Many of these “exogenous” borders brought about by Scramble of Africa could be still found on modern maps, now separating sovereign states. About one third of all countries of Sub-Saharan Africa – much larger portion compared to other parts of the world – are landlocked.
Since trade with other countries is important for economic development, and since transportation by sea is much cheaper than any other type of transportation, the evolutionary process of “endogenous” formation of the nation states in other regions left few countries without access to sea. It was not impossible, but certainly more difficult, to develop as a nation without such.