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Middle-class dynamics and the Arab Spring

Elena Ianchovichina's picture
Also available in: العربية | Français
Cairo's Tahrir Square, Egypt - Hang Dinh|Shutterstock.com

What do middle-class dynamics in the 2000s tell us about the Arab Spring events? In modern economies, the middle class not only bolsters demand for private goods and services, but also insists on good governance and public services, such as education, health, and infrastructure. Investments in these areas improve the capacity of the economy to grow not only more rapidly, but also sustainably and inclusively. Therefore, understanding how the middle class fares in the Arab world is of crucial importance.

Terrorism makes stability more important to Arab youth than democracy

Christine Petré's picture
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Young Arabs express the same concern over the rise of the Islamic State (IS) as young people do elsewhere, the annual Arab Youth Survey reveals. For the second year in a row, the “rise of” IS militants is perceived as the main problem facing the region, with four in every five young people interviewed saying they were more concerned about it than other problems. Its public appeal may have also decreased slightly, findings in the survey suggest.

Can North Africa leapfrog together in work and welfare?

Heba Elgazzar's picture
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Dana Smilie

It was December 8, 2010, when I boarded a plane after a routine trip to Tunisia.  There was nothing out of the ordinary that would have provided a clue as to the dramatic upheaval to come.   The taxi drivers rarely spoke of politics, poverty was an untouchable topic of conversation, and YouTube was blocked.  However, over the course of that winter, uprisings erupted throughout Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and beyond that called for greater social justice.  Investment policies had privileged elites for too long. Social and labor policies had not been that effective at promoting inclusiveness.   Each country has since struggled to maintain political stability while addressing demands for improving work and welfare, with mixed results. 

Tunisia and Italy shine light on how regional electricity trade can help stabilize the region

Sameh Mobarek's picture
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 Anton Balazh l Shutterstock/NASA

The Middle East and North Africa region has never faced such significant stress on its ageing infrastructure like it does today, with one of the most telling being the substantial increase in the need for electricity.  It is estimated that electricity demand in the MENA region will increase by 84% by 2020, requiring an additional 135 GW of generation capacity and an investment of US$450 billion.  The quest for new approaches to ensure adequate and reliable supply of electricity in the region is more urgent than ever before.

How the Middle East and North Africa can benefit from low oil prices

Shanta Devarajan's picture
Also available in: Français | العربية
AlexLMX l Shutterstock

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is a region of extremes. It has the highest unemployment rate in the developing world, with the rate for women and young people double the average. MENA economies are among the least diversified, with the Herfindahl index—a measure of the concentration of exports in a few commodities—ranging between 0.6 and 1 for most countries. The region had the highest number of electricity cuts per month. The ratio of public- to private-sector workers is the highest in the world.  While, until recently, the region had been averaging 4-5 percent GDP growth, that average masked a highly volatile growth path.

Arab women’s autumn— What was there for women after the Arab Spring?

Ibtissam Alaoui's picture
Also available in: Français | العربية
Moroccan Woman protesting - Arne Hoel l World Bank

The political participation of Arab women in post-revolutionary Arab countries has been the subject of various studies and academic research. The 2011 revolutions marked a significant shift in the female political role in the region because women were involved at the head of the Arab uprisings. The revolutions, which were initially secular and egalitarian, also unleashed long-repressed conservative forces, which have been eating in to the gains made by Arab feminists over the past decades.

Despite high education levels, Arab women still don’t have jobs

Maha El-Swais's picture
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Thirteen of the 15 countries with the lowest rates of women participating in their labor force are in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), according to the 2015 Global Gender Gap Report (2015). Yemen has the lowest rate of working women of all, followed by Syria, Jordan, Iran, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Lebanon, Egypt, Oman, Tunisia, Mauritania, and Turkey.

Why countries in Middle East and North Africa should invest in Youth Volunteering

Rene Leon Solano's picture
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There were over 1,000 Lebanese youths together in one large auditorium, all from different communities, confessions and party affiliations. Some were chanting the Lebanese national anthem, waving the country’s flag. Others were holding hands, and screaming every time their pictures or that of their new friends appeared on a large screen. These young men and women all had one thing in common: they put aside their different socio-economic, religious, and political backgrounds and gave up their spare time to jointly identify and implement community projects across Lebanon.

One school sets an example for changes in public education in Egypt

Esmat Lamei's picture
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Almarag School

In 2014, a Cooperation Protocol was signed by the Egyptian Ministry of Education, the International Baccalaureate (IB) Organization, and the Oasis International school, a private school established in 1989 to build a model public school known as the Egyptian International School—El Marag, offering the IB program.

Pro-poor health coverage expands in Egypt

Alaa Hamed's picture
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 Amira Nour & Sarah Fouad

After the Arab Spring, Egypt’s health sector went through a shaky transition as seven consecutive Egyptian Ministers of Health struggled to make the sector live up to the revolution’s ideal of a  health sector that would serve to uphold human dignity and social justice. Pre-revolution reforms to the sector had focused on expanding access to essential services in family health and to health insurance coverage. The political environment and the sector’s limited capacity had not, however, made it possible for these pilot schemes to be scaled up properly, with a pro-poor focus.

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