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Microcredit Borrowers in Bangladesh Are Not Necessarily Trapped in Poverty and Debt as many contended in recent years

Shahid Khandker's picture

With spectacular growth of microfinance institutions (MFIs) in Bangladesh, there is a growing concern that borrowers might be borrowing from multiple sources and more than they are able to repay, and hence, they are trapped in poverty and debt.  Microfinance programs, operating in Bangladesh for more than two decades, have reached more than 10 million households in 2008, nearly half the rural population, with an annual disbursement close to US$1.8 billion and an outstanding balance of US$1.5 billion.  Multiple program membership has increased over the years: it was nonexistent in 1991/92, 11.9 percent in 1998/99 and 36 percent in 2010/11. 

However, a recent study shows that increased borrowing, even from multiple sources, has not lowered loan recovery rates. 

Also, another recent study observes that microcredit borrowers are not necessarily trapped in poverty and debt. This study analyzes data from a long panel survey over a 20-year period, and finds that although many participants have been with microcredit programs for many years they are not necessarily trapped in debt as the accrued assets due to borrowing outweigh accumulated debt for many borrowers.

Until Subnational Debt Do Us Part

Otaviano Canuto's picture

Decentralization in many countries has given subnational governments certain spending responsibilities, revenue-raising authority, and the capacity to incur debt. Furthermore, rapid urbanization in developing countries is requiring large-scale infrastructure financing to help absorb influxes of rural populations. Not surprisingly, the subnational debt market in some developing countries has been going through a notable transformation.

Bears, boots and long-run growth

Justin Yifu Lin's picture

Photo: istockphoto.comJackson Hole was abuzz last week as top economists rubbed shoulders with central bankers, but the stuffed bears in the lobby of the venue seemed symbolic of the angst permeating world markets.

In spite of this, the participants got down to business and I was not alone in thinking that today’s financial market turmoil and the anxiety over high unemployment in the United States and over European debt should be treated by the economics profession as an opportunity to think differently about solutions for kick-starting growth. 

Today’s uncertainty should spur policymakers to take new economic ideas and build a social consensus for action. An ambitious, innovative approach is needed otherwise the crisis will likely be with us for some years. Indeed, the US and EU could face a Japan-style scenario, with prolonged recession and a high level of public debt.

How Advanced Economies Can Tackle Their Debt Woes

Vamsee Kanchi's picture

Given the urgent need for policymakers in Europe and other advanced economies to tackle current debt challenges, there is a frantic scramble for suitable policy tools that will help resolve the Greek conundrum. 

One policy tool – a form of debt restructuring known as ‘financial repression’ that focuses on establishing a tighter relationship between government and the financial industry by setting caps on interest rates and regulating cross-border money flows – has largely been overlooked.  The Petersen Insitute’s Carmen Reinhart recently delivered a

International capital flows: Final picture from 2009

Shahrokh Fardoust's picture
 Photo: Istockphoto.com

As snow covers ground in Washington, D.C., debt markets swoon, and another year comes to a close, it seems like a good time to look at what actually happened to international capital flows to developing countries last year and what that might portend for flows in 2010, as this year’s numbers will be finalized in coming months.

At a time when the global economy has seen the most severe slowdown since the end of WWII, capital flows to the developing world—including private flows (debt and equity) and official capital flows (loans and grants from all sources)—are in an overall slump, well below their level in 2007 ($1.1 trillion). According to the just-published Global Development Finance: External Debt of Developing Countries, which contains detailed data on the external debt of 128 developing countries for 2009, net capital flows to these countries fell by 20 percent from $744 billion in 2008 to $598 billion in 2009. 

Open Data and Public Sector Debt

Shaida Badiee's picture

The volume of public domestic debt issued in developing countries has grown substantially in recent years, but consistent data on the domestic debt of developing countries have not been generally available until now. As part of the Open Data Initiative, the World Bank is launching an online, quarterly, Public Sector Debt database developed in partnership with the IMF, which will allow researchers and policymakers to explore questions about debt management in a comprehensive manner. The database promotes consistency and comparability across countries by standardizing the treatment of public sector debt, valuation methods, and debt instruments, and by identifying, where possible, the debt of central, state, and local governments as well as extra-budgetary agencies and funds.

To (Fiscally) Stimulate or Not to Stimulate, That is the Question....

Jamus Lim's picture

As the U.S. economy increasingly sends mixed signals about the strength of its recovery, the significant sparring over the efficacy of the stimulus has regained an urgent relevance (papers, in PDF, available respectively here and here; the FT summarizes a wide range of opinions here). The latest salvo in the stimulus wars has been the battle between the so-called strucs versus cycs, with the former claiming that worker mismatches are the central problem in the current anemic labor market, while the latter dispute that cyclical factors are more to blame.[*] Of course, such theoretical stances are not only academic, since they inform and implicitly shape one's preferred policy response.

Rather than wade into the morass of the U.S. case, it is perhaps helpful to consider the bigger global context. After all, the financial crisis and subsequent slowdown instigated many governments around to the world to implement fiscal stimuli, of which America's and China's were merely the most prominent. It is perhaps useful to examine the association between the size of the stimuli---as measured by the size of the stimulus packages that governments implemented---and subsequent growth, to tease out whether there are any systematic patterns in the relationship.

At first glance, the relationship appears to be positive (see figure, top): this seems to vindicate the pro-stimulus camp, at least at the international level. This first impression, however, is deceiving. The positive slope is almost entirely due to the presence one outlier: and you guessed it---China. The size of China's stimulus, of course, has been the subject of much debate, with many observers claiming that the large stimulus had mainly been a reclassification of planned expenditures as stimulus. Repeating the exercise without the two big outliers, China and Saudi Arabia (which had pitifully little growth-bang for the buck in their $400 billion stimulus), and the positive relationship basically disappears (see figure, bottom). The bottom line is not so much that a large fiscal stimulus has either a positive or a negative effect on subsequent growth, but rather that---at the crude cross-country level---it is difficult to tease out any significant effect altogether.[]

Source: Grail Research (stimulus data) and IMF IFS (growth data).

Notes: Stimulus data are for late 2008 to early 2009, while growth data are for 2009 (with the exception of Kenya, Kuwait, Mongolia, Nigeria, Serbia, where data are only available for 2008). Excluded outliers are China and Saudi Arabia, but the bottom figure is essentially the same by excluding only China.

Of course, this picture is somewhat incomplete. After all, much consternation has been made about the tradeoff between debt and deficits vis-a-vis the efficacy of a stimulus; in particular, Carmen Reinhart, among others, has repeatedly warned of the complicating effects posed by high debt burdens on stimulus and growth. The IMF has also recently noted the more general point that the post-crisis response to countercyclical macroeconomic policies are conditioned by pre-crisis vulnerabilities.[]

So let's try to provide a slightly more nuanced picture of the impact of fiscal stimulus, based on countries' external debt/GDP exposure. Slicing the data into countries with little external debt (< 10% GDP), moderate external debt (10-30% GDP), and high external debt (>30% GDP), we see that the growth impact of a stimulus is either negligible or slightly positive when countries have lower debt levels, but this turns negative when debt levels exceed a certain threshold (see figures). Similar pictures accrue when we use domestic debt (from BIS SecStats) instead of external debt, and when we combine the two measures into total public debt; with the difference being in the specific thresholds where the impact seems to shift from positive to negative. Interestingly, for total public debt, the contingent effect of a stimulus seems to comport with Reinhart and Rogoff's debt thresholds: there is a positive effect of a stimulus in countries with debt/GDP ratios of below 60%, little effect for countries up to 90%, and a negative effect in countries above 90%.[§]

Source: Grail Research (stimulus data), IMF IFS (growth data), and JEDH (external debt data).

Stimulus data are for late 2008 to early 2009, while growth data are for 2009 (with the exception of Kenya, Kuwait, Mongolia, Nigeria, Serbia, where data are only available for 2008). Debt data are gross external general government debt, for the 2008H1.

Now, it is important to be modest about how much we can draw from the above analysis. After all, the crude methodology above does not account for endogeneity and simultaneity concerns, the causal mechanisms have not been laid out, and the data do not account for the phasing in of stimulus packages. Moreover, we lack a counterfactual of how events would have played out in each country, had the stimulus package been absent, along with whether monetary policies may have played a complementary role. That said, it is useful to draw some tentative conclusions from the exercise.

Perhaps the best way to interpret the findings is that the size of fiscal stimulus, by our chosen measure, has a fairly limited impact on contemporaneous output growth. Moreover, to the extent that the fiscal package is actually accompanied by a nontrivial share of actual spending, the early effects of the stimulus have a fairly minimal impact on growth. This second conclusion should be qualified: since the early stages of a stimulus phase-in typically occurs in the deepest depths of a recession, it could well be that growth simply would have been worse. Finally, debt thresholds seem to matter for evaluating whether a stimulus is likely to have a growth impact or not. Generally speaking, when the debt burden gets too large, any positive growth effect of a stimulus appears to be washed away by the concerns that the country really shouldn't be taking on more debt.

In sum, fiscal stimulus does not appear to be the silver bullet that many of its most vociferous proponents would hope for it to be. That said, it would be both premature and irresponsible to declare that fiscal stimuli around the world are misguided. Rather, the wisdom of pursuing a stimulus is dependent on a whole range of factors, not least the extent to which a country already has fiscal space to enact such stimuli.

Postscript: Elsewhere at the Bank, Raj Nallari has also pointed out how the international jobs picture has not responded to fiscal stimuli as much as desired. Fritzi Koehler-Geib and her coauthors also make the point that there are tipping points after which debt can affect growth.

*. Amidst the sturm und drang, what Krugman and DeLong both miss, in my view, is the that mismatches in just two segments of the labor market can in fact induce broader unemployment, when general equilibrium effects are taken into account. Thus, when the mass of unemployed workers in the construction sector find it difficult to be reabsorbed into, say, the booming healthcare sector, overall aggregate demand may nonetheless be depressed if spending increases in the booming sector is not matched by the decline in the contracting sector. This could happen if there are sticky wages or habit persistence, or even the simple fact that workers in the booming sector do not have the time to increase their spending (remember, they are expanding their working hours as a consequence of the unexpected boom in their sector). With the shrinkage in aggregate spending, there is an accompanying contraction in employment in other labor market sectors unrelated to the two sectors where misallocation occurred. While this does not necessarily rehabilitate Austrian business cycle theory in full, it does nonetheless allow for the mismatch element that the two professors are so quick to denigrate.

. This point can be made very slightly more formally. While the bivariate regression on the full sample has a statistically significant (at the 5 percent level) coefficient on the stimulus variable, the coefficients on the restricted sample (excluding outliers) is insignificant. The coefficient (standard error) in the full sample is 0.062 (0.03), for N = 66. The coefficients (standard errors) in the restricted sample without China only and without both China and Saudi Arabia are 0.028 (0.03) and 0.043 (0.05), N = 65 and N = 64, respectively.

. The IMF paper, however, concentrates on the size of reserve holdings as their central measure of vulnerability. Since reserve size has not featured in much of the contemporary debate on fiscal policy, we defer to their findings in that regard, and concentrate instead on the impact of debt instead.

§. The formal results in this case are somewhat more disappointing, however, with small sample sizes typically rendering the coefficients insignificant in most specifications. However, the signs of the coefficients are stable: the coefficients on the stimulus variable is positive, while that on debt is negative. When interacted, the coefficient on debt usually turns small and positive, but is dominated by the coefficient on the interaction term.

Greek contagion: who is susceptible?

Hans Timmer's picture

As Greece’s debt crisis escalated, analysts and the media have so far mostly focused on possible spillovers to countries in Southwestern Europe and on weakening of the euro.

It is striking that for weeks, financial markets have not been exceptionally worried about strong contagion to emerging economies, even though there are vulnerabilities in emerging Eastern Europe and European banks are heavily invested in emerging economies all around the world.

So should financial markets be more worried? For now, the credit quality for most developing-country sovereigns have held up and indeed improved in 2010, with 15 upgrades and only 2 downgrades (as of end April 2010). This is another example of how, compared to 10 years ago, the source of economic problems and risks are shifting from developing to high-income countries. But will this resilience last? How susceptible are developing countries when the European turmoil continues?

To enable closer monitoring of spillovers from the Greek debt crisis to market sentiment across the globe, the Prospects Group constructed a so-called "contagion monitor" for internal use. Using daily data for 60 countries (31 high-income, 27 middle-income, and 2 low-income countries), the contagion monitor combines: changes in sovereign spreads; changes in domestic 3-month commercial interest rates; changes in stock-market indices; and changes in nominal exchange rates into a single  indicator that summarizes "market deterioration".

Each of the four indicators has been normalized (i.e. they are measured in deviation from the average change and divided by the standard deviation of those changes) to ensure that the four building blocks have a comparable contribution to the combined measure. The normalization also carries other advantages. For example, it makes exchange rate changes independent of the numeraire currency.

It is important to note that the resulting index:

  • shows relative deterioration (if all countries experience the same worsening in the financial markets, the index will show no change for all countries);
  • only measures recent changes in the markets, not the overall shape of financial markets. A country can still be vulnerable even if markets improved in recent weeks;
  • is, unlike vulnerability indices, not designed to have predictive power. Instead, it registers changes in market sentiment that have already taken place.

 

There is no need in this blog to focus on individual countries (this is an attempt to observe the market, not to influence it….). But, taking end-March 2010 as a reference point for changes in financial indicators, a very interesting pattern emerges. I invite you to click on "play" in the beautiful illustration below, designed by David Horowitz.

 

High income

 

Developing

 


 
The dynamic bar chart shows the relative deterioration in financial markets, with high-income countries in gloomy blue and developing countries in fresh green (but don’t read too much into the color scheme). Downward pointing bars show the relative deterioration of financial markets since end-March. The longer the bar, the worse the relative relapse. Upward pointing bars indicate relative improvement.

In early April the deterioration was almost completely concentrated in high-income countries. Almost without exception, developing countries were on the positive side of the spectrum. That remained the case throughout April.

But in May the situation started to change. A few developing countries showed pressure on their currencies, upward pressure on their interest rates or drops in their stock markets. And that only got worse as May progressed. The latest observation in the chart shows a much more equal distribution. That is partly because the situation in Europe has cooled down somewhat, but partly also because we can no longer assume that emerging countries are unaffected by Europe’s debt problems. It is one of the clearest signs yet that traditional fiscal stimulus has reached its limits and is increasingly becoming part of the problem instead of the solution.

China’s local government debt—what is the problem?

Louis Kuijs's picture

China’s massive stimulus spending has raised widespread concerns about local government finances. Local governments have ramped up infrastructure spending since late 2008, while they are also under pressure to spend more on health, education, and social security, for which they are in large part responsible. With monetary conditions likely to become tighter this year and land revenues possibly slowing down or even declining, local government finances may become strained.
At the heart of the concerns are local government investment platforms. These are state-owned-enterprise (SOE)-type entities set up to finance infrastructure construction and urban development—sometimes also called Urban Development and Construction Companies. Set up in part to circumvent rules prohibiting local governments from borrowing, their investment activities are mainly financed by land sale revenue and bank financing, often using as collateral land requisitioned from local residents.

Prospects Weekly: Record high auto sales, G-20 face sharp fiscal adjustment, emerging market bond spreads down but yields up

The rebound in global output during the second half of 2009 was buoyed by “cash-for-clunker” incentive programs that propelled global car sales to a record high. As these programs have begun to expire, the pace of industrial production growth is expected to moderate in the coming months. High levels of public debt will require large—although not unprecedented—fiscal adjustments in many high-income countries over the next 20-years. Emerging market bond yields have climbed since late-2009, due to higher yields on benchmark U.S. Treasuries, although their spreads have remained broadly stable during the period. As U.S. bond yields increase further with the reversal of the Federal Reserve’s monetary stimulus measures, emerging market bond yields are likely to rise as well. 
 

Auto sale incentive programs supported record high global auto sales and a rebound in industrial production. Some countries that witnessed a marked revival in manufacturing activity in the second half of 2009 had car sale incentive programs. As these programs have recently expired in the U.S., Korea, Australia, and in most Euro Zone countries—or are about to in Brazil, India, and the U.K.—momentum growth in industrial production is expected to slow in the months ahead. This, alongside adverse weather conditions, appears to have been a contributing factor in the recent loss of momentum in industrial output in Germany. By effectively front-loading demand, these programs pushed global car sales to an all-time high of 54.3mn units in January 2010 (seasonally adjusted annualized rate, JP Morgan).

 

Many G-20 countries face significant fiscal adjustment. High government debt and aging populations will force many high-income countries (HICs) to undergo sharp fiscal consolidation over the next 20-years. The IMF estimates that—to regain a sustainable 60% debt-to-GDP ratio—the HIC G-20 will need to adjust primary fiscal balances (excluding interest payments) from a deficit of 3.5% of GDP in 2010 to a surplus of 4.5% by 2020 and then maintain a 4.5% surplus through 2030 (i.e., cut spending or raise revenues by an average of about 6% over a 20-year period). While challenging, such large adjustments are not unprecedented. For most developing countries (LMICs) no such adjustment will be required, as their debt ratios are much lower—40% in 2010 for the LMIC G-20 vs. 107% for the HIC G-20.

 

Emerging market bond spreads have declined from recent peaks in October 2008, although they remain about 80 basis points above the level posted during the 18-month period ending in June 2007. While bond spreads have been broadly stable since October 2009, benchmark U.S. Treasury yields have increased 50 basis points since end-November, pushing up the cost of capital for developing countries. Looking ahead, as non-traditional monetary stimulus measures (which have kept down medium-term interest rates in the U.S.) are withdrawn, developing country bond yields are expected to rise further—although perhaps not on a one-to-one basis with the rise in the cost of U.S. bonds.

Download the Prospects Weekly as PDF here.

Is India's Fiscal Consolidation at Hand?

Eliana Cardoso's picture

“What you don’t touch, for you lies miles away. (…) What you don’t coin, you’re sure is counterfeit.” These sophisms are voiced by Mephistopheles, under the guise of the Court Fool, in Goethe’s Faust. He aims to convince the Emperor to mint more coins, for money buys everything: parks and palaces; breasts and rosy cheeks. The Commander-in-Chief accompanies the scene and speaks his mind: “The Court Fool is wise, for he promises benefits to all.”

Economic theory, in contrast to the Commander-in-Chief, the Court Fool and other populists, states that all government handouts come at a cost – regardless of whether they are distributed in the form of subsidies or direct transfers. Financing them is only possible by raising taxes and getting into debt (or creating more money… and inflation).

Indonesia's $100 billion budget: Is debt an issue?

Wolfgang Fengler's picture

I have received many encouraging responses to my first blog. Thank you. This time, let's look at Indonesia's budget. Last year, Indonesia's budget reached the magical threshold of US$100 billion.

Underrated Indonesia poised to enter global stage

Wolfgang Fengler's picture

Indonesia is still underrated globally. Why does the world not notice? One reason is particularly poor performance in sports and higher education, two areas that give countries a lot of international exposure.

Is there a wave of bad debt on the horizon in Asia?

James Seward's picture

You may want to grab your surfboard to be prepared even though this wave may not yet be visible now.  There is little (public) focus on this question in Asia at the moment and I suspect that the reason is simple – over the past ten years we have witnessed a relatively long period of stability and rapid economic growth across Asia.  Such a situation can too easily breed complacency and high levels of risk-taking by banks, as well as a more relaxed stance by the r