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The MENA region’s got ‘growth potential!’

Nahla Benslama's picture

According to global and regional leaders who participated in the World Economic Forum (WEF) on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in Marrakech, Morocco from 26-28 October 2010, “the MENA region has the potential to become an emerging market leader and engine of world growth.”

May the Force of Broad-Based Economic Growth Be with You

Cara Santos Pianesi's picture

 If the world has a stage, the annual September gathering of the UN’s General Assembly is it. There, world leaders have an opportunity to address their colleagues (and, by media extension, global constituents) in a somewhat long-format speech. At the General Assembly, Premier Khrushchev banged his shoe. And, with understandably less attention, President Obama had this to say about development at this year’s High-Level Plenary Meeting (a.k.a. the Review Summit on the Millennium Development Goals):

“…To unleash transformational change, we’re putting a new emphasis on the most powerful force the world has ever known for eradicating poverty and creating opportunity. It’s the force that turned South Korea from a recipient of aid to a donor of aid. It’s the force that has raised living standards from Brazil to India… 

Performance anxiety about the MDGs – are all poor countries lagging?

Delfin Go's picture

An old man, in Livingston, Zambia, stooped to scoop muddy water from a puddle into his pail. “What I want most is clean water,” he said, to me. I was conducting a World Bank field survey back in 2000 in Livingston. Even as the man expressed his desire for such a basic need, I could hear the roar of the mighty Victoria Falls just a few kilometers away. That was the sound of billions of gallons of fresh water, but not immediately drinkable. I never forgot the sound of it.

The extent to which people across the world have access to clean water, education, food, healthcare and other basic needs is measured by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), a set of internationally agreed targets adopted in 2000. Last week, world leaders and the developmental community gathered in New York for the MDG summit to urge the international community to speed up progress toward the MDGs.

Stepping out of the comfort zone

Sudharshan Canagarajah's picture

Knowledge product innovation in ECA: The case of MIRPAL

It is almost eighteen months since World Bank Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region launched a program of knowledge sharing in the post crisis environment for countries heavily dependent on remittances and looking for ways to address the

vulnerability that emanated from the global economic crisis. For many Commonwealth of Independent State (CIS) economies in ECA region, which had seen high economic growth rates on the back of Russia’s economic boom, the global crisis and its impact on trade and remittance flows was an important shock. For many, neither the neither magnitude, nor trends of the remittance shock was clear, because the research and policy response has been very limited.

To (Fiscally) Stimulate or Not to Stimulate, That is the Question....

Jamus Lim's picture

As the U.S. economy increasingly sends mixed signals about the strength of its recovery, the significant sparring over the efficacy of the stimulus has regained an urgent relevance (papers, in PDF, available respectively here and here; the FT summarizes a wide range of opinions here). The latest salvo in the stimulus wars has been the battle between the so-called strucs versus cycs, with the former claiming that worker mismatches are the central problem in the current anemic labor market, while the latter dispute that cyclical factors are more to blame.[*] Of course, such theoretical stances are not only academic, since they inform and implicitly shape one's preferred policy response.

Rather than wade into the morass of the U.S. case, it is perhaps helpful to consider the bigger global context. After all, the financial crisis and subsequent slowdown instigated many governments around to the world to implement fiscal stimuli, of which America's and China's were merely the most prominent. It is perhaps useful to examine the association between the size of the stimuli---as measured by the size of the stimulus packages that governments implemented---and subsequent growth, to tease out whether there are any systematic patterns in the relationship.

At first glance, the relationship appears to be positive (see figure, top): this seems to vindicate the pro-stimulus camp, at least at the international level. This first impression, however, is deceiving. The positive slope is almost entirely due to the presence one outlier: and you guessed it---China. The size of China's stimulus, of course, has been the subject of much debate, with many observers claiming that the large stimulus had mainly been a reclassification of planned expenditures as stimulus. Repeating the exercise without the two big outliers, China and Saudi Arabia (which had pitifully little growth-bang for the buck in their $400 billion stimulus), and the positive relationship basically disappears (see figure, bottom). The bottom line is not so much that a large fiscal stimulus has either a positive or a negative effect on subsequent growth, but rather that---at the crude cross-country level---it is difficult to tease out any significant effect altogether.[]

Source: Grail Research (stimulus data) and IMF IFS (growth data).

Notes: Stimulus data are for late 2008 to early 2009, while growth data are for 2009 (with the exception of Kenya, Kuwait, Mongolia, Nigeria, Serbia, where data are only available for 2008). Excluded outliers are China and Saudi Arabia, but the bottom figure is essentially the same by excluding only China.

Of course, this picture is somewhat incomplete. After all, much consternation has been made about the tradeoff between debt and deficits vis-a-vis the efficacy of a stimulus; in particular, Carmen Reinhart, among others, has repeatedly warned of the complicating effects posed by high debt burdens on stimulus and growth. The IMF has also recently noted the more general point that the post-crisis response to countercyclical macroeconomic policies are conditioned by pre-crisis vulnerabilities.[]

So let's try to provide a slightly more nuanced picture of the impact of fiscal stimulus, based on countries' external debt/GDP exposure. Slicing the data into countries with little external debt (< 10% GDP), moderate external debt (10-30% GDP), and high external debt (>30% GDP), we see that the growth impact of a stimulus is either negligible or slightly positive when countries have lower debt levels, but this turns negative when debt levels exceed a certain threshold (see figures). Similar pictures accrue when we use domestic debt (from BIS SecStats) instead of external debt, and when we combine the two measures into total public debt; with the difference being in the specific thresholds where the impact seems to shift from positive to negative. Interestingly, for total public debt, the contingent effect of a stimulus seems to comport with Reinhart and Rogoff's debt thresholds: there is a positive effect of a stimulus in countries with debt/GDP ratios of below 60%, little effect for countries up to 90%, and a negative effect in countries above 90%.[§]

Source: Grail Research (stimulus data), IMF IFS (growth data), and JEDH (external debt data).

Stimulus data are for late 2008 to early 2009, while growth data are for 2009 (with the exception of Kenya, Kuwait, Mongolia, Nigeria, Serbia, where data are only available for 2008). Debt data are gross external general government debt, for the 2008H1.

Now, it is important to be modest about how much we can draw from the above analysis. After all, the crude methodology above does not account for endogeneity and simultaneity concerns, the causal mechanisms have not been laid out, and the data do not account for the phasing in of stimulus packages. Moreover, we lack a counterfactual of how events would have played out in each country, had the stimulus package been absent, along with whether monetary policies may have played a complementary role. That said, it is useful to draw some tentative conclusions from the exercise.

Perhaps the best way to interpret the findings is that the size of fiscal stimulus, by our chosen measure, has a fairly limited impact on contemporaneous output growth. Moreover, to the extent that the fiscal package is actually accompanied by a nontrivial share of actual spending, the early effects of the stimulus have a fairly minimal impact on growth. This second conclusion should be qualified: since the early stages of a stimulus phase-in typically occurs in the deepest depths of a recession, it could well be that growth simply would have been worse. Finally, debt thresholds seem to matter for evaluating whether a stimulus is likely to have a growth impact or not. Generally speaking, when the debt burden gets too large, any positive growth effect of a stimulus appears to be washed away by the concerns that the country really shouldn't be taking on more debt.

In sum, fiscal stimulus does not appear to be the silver bullet that many of its most vociferous proponents would hope for it to be. That said, it would be both premature and irresponsible to declare that fiscal stimuli around the world are misguided. Rather, the wisdom of pursuing a stimulus is dependent on a whole range of factors, not least the extent to which a country already has fiscal space to enact such stimuli.

Postscript: Elsewhere at the Bank, Raj Nallari has also pointed out how the international jobs picture has not responded to fiscal stimuli as much as desired. Fritzi Koehler-Geib and her coauthors also make the point that there are tipping points after which debt can affect growth.

*. Amidst the sturm und drang, what Krugman and DeLong both miss, in my view, is the that mismatches in just two segments of the labor market can in fact induce broader unemployment, when general equilibrium effects are taken into account. Thus, when the mass of unemployed workers in the construction sector find it difficult to be reabsorbed into, say, the booming healthcare sector, overall aggregate demand may nonetheless be depressed if spending increases in the booming sector is not matched by the decline in the contracting sector. This could happen if there are sticky wages or habit persistence, or even the simple fact that workers in the booming sector do not have the time to increase their spending (remember, they are expanding their working hours as a consequence of the unexpected boom in their sector). With the shrinkage in aggregate spending, there is an accompanying contraction in employment in other labor market sectors unrelated to the two sectors where misallocation occurred. While this does not necessarily rehabilitate Austrian business cycle theory in full, it does nonetheless allow for the mismatch element that the two professors are so quick to denigrate.

. This point can be made very slightly more formally. While the bivariate regression on the full sample has a statistically significant (at the 5 percent level) coefficient on the stimulus variable, the coefficients on the restricted sample (excluding outliers) is insignificant. The coefficient (standard error) in the full sample is 0.062 (0.03), for N = 66. The coefficients (standard errors) in the restricted sample without China only and without both China and Saudi Arabia are 0.028 (0.03) and 0.043 (0.05), N = 65 and N = 64, respectively.

. The IMF paper, however, concentrates on the size of reserve holdings as their central measure of vulnerability. Since reserve size has not featured in much of the contemporary debate on fiscal policy, we defer to their findings in that regard, and concentrate instead on the impact of debt instead.

§. The formal results in this case are somewhat more disappointing, however, with small sample sizes typically rendering the coefficients insignificant in most specifications. However, the signs of the coefficients are stable: the coefficients on the stimulus variable is positive, while that on debt is negative. When interacted, the coefficient on debt usually turns small and positive, but is dominated by the coefficient on the interaction term.

Can Migrants Help in Post-Flooding Reconstruction in Pakistan?

Sanket Mohapatra's picture
     UN Photo/WFP/Amjad Jamal

A World Bank report released on July 30 finds that poverty in Pakistan fell by an impressive 17.3 percentage points between 2001 and 2008 (from 34.5 percent in 2001-02 to 17.2 percent in 2007-08). Three out of Pakistan’s four major provinces – Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly NWFP), Punjab, and Sindh – saw significant declines in poverty during this period. The largest fall in poverty was in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). According to the Bank report “high level of remittances, both foreign and domestic, seem to have facilitated” the decline in poverty in KP.

Pakistan saw migrant remittances reach a record $ 8.9 billion in fiscal year 2010, an increase of 14 percent compared to the 2009 fiscal year despite the global economic crisis (Pakistan’s fiscal year runs from July to June). The World Bank report says “Continued strong growth in worker’s remittances in the past few years has also contributed to improvements in the external current account balance” and “have facilitated improvement in the country’s external position”. 

ปลาหมึกพอลพยากรณ์เศรษฐกิจไทย: เคลื่อนไหวด้วยหนวดเส้นเดียว

Frederico Gil Sander's picture

 

Image courtesy of Caitfoto through a Creative Commons license
(Originally posted in English)

หลังจากที่คณะผู้จัดทำรายงานตามติดเศรษฐกิจไทยของธนาคารโลกได้รับความช่วยเหลือจากทั้งหมอดูลายมือเขมรและหมอดูกระดองเต่าผู้โด่งดัง ให้สามารถจัดทำตัวเลขประมาณการด้านเศรษฐกิจของไทยในปี 2553 ให้เสร็จสมบูรณ์ไปแล้วเมื่อเดือนเมษายนที่ผ่านมา    ทีมงานของเราก็แอบไปได้ยินข่าวคราวเกี่ยวกับหมอดูแม่น ๆ คนใหม่ที่โลกทั้งใบต้องตื่นตะลึงในความถูกต้องแม่นยำของเขา  ผมจึงต้องตาลีตาเหลือกไปจ้างหมอดูท่านนี้มาเป็นที่ปรึกษาเป็นการด่วน ทั้งนี้เพื่อให้แน่ใจว่าตัวเลขประมาณการด้านเศรษฐกิจที่ธนาคารโลกจะนำออกเผยแพร่แก่สาธารณชนในเดือนมิถุนายนนั้นใกล้เคียงกับความเป็นจริงที่สุด ไม่อย่างนั้นเสียชื่อนักเศรษฐศาสตร์ฟันธงหมด

Paul the Octopus' forecast on the Thai economy: Swimming with one tentacle

Frederico Gil Sander's picture

Image courtesy of Caitfoto through a Creative Commons license
(Available in: ภาษาไทย)

Following the very successful earlier engagements of a Khmer palm reader and a celebrity turtle-shell fortune teller, the Thailand economic team has recently hired the forecasting star of the moment to divine the future of the economy. I am not talking about Professor Nouriel “Dr. Doom” Roubini, but Octopus Paul, who had to escape Germany in a hurry to avoid becoming “pulpo a la Gallega”. For a hefty fee of a five shrimps, the wise cephalopod spent a few hours in our offices sharing his prognosis for the Thai economy.

China’s economic outlook remains favorable

Louis Kuijs's picture

The World Bank released its latest Quarterly Update on China’s economy on Friday (for disclosure's sake: I’m the lead author). At the press launch, there were a lot of questions about the recent wage hikes in several foreign-owned manufacturing companies and the possible concerns these have triggered among many about possible loss of competitiveness and/or a wage-inflation spiral.

Income inequalities and the rules of the game

Elina Scheja's picture

Yesterday I attended a seminar organized by the Growth Commission on “Ingredients for Successful Growth Strategies – Equity, Globalization and Leadership” chaired by Otaviano Canuto. As a part of the opening remarks Nobel laureate Michael Spence made it clear that inclusiveness is an integral part of any growth strategy and a necessity for achieving high levels of growth. In (on average) middle income countries where income inequalities are pronounced one finds two economies operating simultaneously:  the upper class resembles OECD economies characterized by low levels of growth, while the poorer majority live in a low-income economy with little resources to grow. As a result, the economy as a whole grows at a suboptimal level until these two groups can be remerged and the middle-class is re-established.

The New Normal? South Asia Looks East

Dipak Dasgupta's picture

The world South Asia will face after this crisis is not going to be the same as in the past. The trend that is accelerating after the financial crisis is that of the “new normal”: the shift in traditional engines of growth from industrial countries to emerging markets.

The crisis is accelerating this fundamental change in economic order in which developed countries have to save more and spend less, while emerging markets, such as China, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Russia, and South Africa begin to play much bigger roles in driving the global recovery. According to our estimates, by 2020, in just ten years---Asia may see its share of world GDP (in nominal dollars) climb to over one-third, replacing North America and the European Union as the biggest region. Underlying this is an expected sharp rise in shares of China and India, and indeed, that of all emerging markets may climb to nearly one-half of global output.

Is South Asia Moving Up?

Dipak Dasgupta's picture

The food, fuel, and financial crises during the last three years sent shockwaves throughout the world and its effects rippled across South Asia. It impacted growth, causing a reduction of growth by nearly 3% from the peak of 8.9% in 2007 to 6.3% in 2009, led to job losses, declines in stock market value, decreases in tourism, and increasing pressures on already weak fiscal, balance of payments, reserves and exchange rates.

I was based in New Delhi during the crisis, and the effects were palpable. For a moment, it looked as if confidence was ebbing---the construction cranes in Gurgaon (the fastest-growing township around Delhi) became silent, a young scholar at Delhi University ran a survey of what graduates might do as job markets became difficult, airlines ran half-empty and racked-up massive losses, jobs were lost heavily in diamond-cutting in Gujarat and IT firms stopped hiring in Bangalore, and people paused to consider the implications of such a dramatic change from the accelerating and heady growth of the previous years. But despite the circumstances, and thanks to strong and prompt government actions, confidence has swiftly returned, the region has proven to be quite resilient and a noticeable resurgence has taken hold.

Migration and Remittances in Inclusive Growth Analytics

Elina Scheja's picture

Even though migration brings about large overall gains globally, whether or not it has a positive impact on growth in a given country has caused more controversy in the empirical literature. The answer depends on the country specific circumstances, and the type of the study. Often the analysis is limited to one specific aspect of migration ignoring the other, possibly more influential indirect channels through which migration impacts growth dynamics. A holistic context specific analysis is needed to inform the policy choices that set up the most favorable conditions ensuring that migration dynamics contribute to an inclusive growth process.

One of the most influential current frameworks for context-specific growth analysis has been the Growth Diagnostics by Hausmann, Rodrik and Velasco. This framework has been further adjusted for inclusive growth diagnostics by Sida and the World Bank. The main difference between traditional and poverty reducing growth diagnostics is that the inclusive analysis takes the individual rather than the firm or the economy at large as the analytical starting point, and argues that the way for sustainable and inclusive growth goes through productive employment. Finding ways to enhance individuals’ ability to participate in, contribute to, and benefit from growth through productive self- or wage employment becomes the focus of the analysis.

Is there a middle class in Asia? Depends on how you define it

Vikram Nehru's picture

A colleague from the Asian Development Bank visited the other day to talk about a study he is doing on Asia’s middle class.  Yet this is not an area we have focused on in the World Bank’s East Asia region – perhaps at our cost.  I quickly googled the topic and discovered a rapidly growing literature, including a paper each by Martin Ravallion and Nancy Birdsall

South Africa: Growth Acceleration Bodes Well for 2010 (World Cup?) Prospects

Theo Janse van Rensburg's picture

In light of the GDP figures released on 25 May 2010, which indicated that growth accelerated further to 4.6% in 2010q1 (from 3.2% in 2009q4), this short note provides a brief analysis of the implications for GDP growth in calendar 2010 as well as for the South African Government’s Budget Review growth forecast.

All sectors expanded in the first quarter, but Manufacturing (8.4%), Mining (15.4%) and Finance (2.5%) were particularly strong and contributed 1.3%, 0.8% and 0.5% respectively to first quarter growth, while Trade and general government services each contributed 0.4% to growth. Agriculture grew by 3% (first expansion since 2008q4), but construction continued to moderate and grew by only 2.1%.

The quarterly growth figure came in above the Bloomberg median consensus forecast of 4.3%, and may result in a series of forecast upgrades as the recovery seems to have gained stronger traction than initially anticipated. Although the debt crisis in high-income Europe poses a new challenge for the global recovery, it has not (yet) had a measurable impact on global output. On the other hand, the Soccer World Cup is expected to provide a further boost to growth over the near term.

The table below provides the possible growth outlook for 2010 given different scenarios for quarter-on-quarter growth (all at annualised rates). For example, should the economy register no further growth (0%) during the course of the year, annual growth will come in at 1.7%. In a scenario where quarterly GDP growth averages 2% and 3% over the next three quarters, GDP growth for calendar 2010 will be 2.4% and 2.8% respectively.

Source: DECPG staff estimates.

Notes: Growth numbers are Q-o-Q, seasonally adjusted and annualised.

To achieve 2.3% growth (South African Government’s Budget Review forecast) in calendar 2010, quarterly growth rates of as low as 1.6% over the remaining three quarters of 2010 will be required. In all likelihood, this target may be easily surpassed.

A more optimistic (yet entirely plausible) scenario may be where quarterly growth rises to around 5½% in the second quarter (due to Soccer World Cup) and then declines to around 2% in the third quarter (as growth will be measured from a high second quarter base). If growth than rebounds to around 3% - 4% in the final quarter of the year, real GDP growth may come in at just above 3% in calendar 2010.

Hopefully these positive GDP developments will also further inspire Bafana Bafana and that these statistics are merely a precursor to many more pleasant surprises (well I guess that depends on which team you support)...


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