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This is the World Bank's blog on governance and anti-corruption. It aims at providing a space for debate and knowledge sharing on this critical field of development. | Learn more...

financial crisis

Financial Crisis, Africa's Permanent Damage, and Aid Effectiveness

Aid is dead:  it is worse than merely useless, since it abets and perpetuates mis-governance and dependency by Africa.  No, to the contrary, massive additional infusions of aid are crucial for all of Africa.  This massive transfer of aid to governments in Africa is particularly urgent right now, in the midst of the financial crisis, which is bound to inflict permanent damage everywhere in the continent.

These blanket statements are nonsense, on both sides.  While they may contain a 'straw man' element, unfortunately in slight variants one often sees such pronouncements in current writings and public debates.  In spite of the practical irrelevance of holding on to such extreme positions, such artificial debates go on and on, pitting the extremes against each other.  The media loves it.  Each side of the argument tends to fit selective 'facts' (and hyperbola) to their extreme cause.  Even reasonable analysts tend to write about one single determinant for the ills of Africa, or just opt to focus on one extreme side of the argument or the other.

Did the financial crisis kill the governance reform agenda?

A few days ago, Dani Rodrik opened an interesting discussion with his post "How the financial crisis has killed the governance reform agenda."  Basically what he says is that "we need to downplay the role of improved governance as a causal mechanism for economic growth." 

His main argument is that the financial crisis in the US did not only undercovered issues of capture and corruption in this country -as Simon Johnson and Dani Kaufmann have argued- but also showed that it is possible to be corrupt and rich at the same time.  Based on this evidence and on his previous belief that the causal relation between governance and growth was never proofed to be strog, he concluded that even though governance reform is a good thing to do, it should not be confused for a growth strategy.

Towards Better Governance by the G-20: Learning from the 'Missing' ggg-8 Countries

Consider a very different “group-of-8” countries: Botswana, Chile, Mauritius, Uruguay, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore and Switzerland.  Do they have any relevance for the G-20?  Hardly, at first.  None of them are invited to the London G-20 Summit next week.  They are not G-20 members, since neither their economic size nor their population are large enough, and they lack the global “systemic significance” of most G-20 members.  None of them belongs to the EU.  This particular "group-of-8" in fact does not really exist as a formal body.

But there is a neglected rationale for the leaders of the G-20 to pay attention to this particular set of uninvited countries.  Like the G-20, they comprise a rather diverse group of developing and developed countries from different regions of the world.  But, unlike most of the G-20, this group of eight countries have exhibited high quality of national governance.

No country is perfect, obviously.  Each one in this group of 8 industrialized and emerging economies has its own challenges. But overall their quality of governance (and recent trends) exceed those of the Group-of-20, and to an extent even those of the powerful, formal, and elite Group-of-8.

This does matter.  Not just because failures of governance (among key nations in  the G-20) played a major role in today's financial crisis.  It also matters because lessons can be drawn for short and longer term initiatives from the good governance experiences from this group of 8 small countries (in short 'ggg-8' ifor this 'good governance group'-- and not in caps, since they are small, and not a formal group...).

Capture and the Financial Crisis

There is no 'theory-independent' way of viewing reality.  We see and analyze world events through our own prism, shaped and tinted by upbringing, experiences, training and professional field of expertise. So it is not surprising that when it comes to the many explanations given for the current financial crisis, they differ greatly.

From Madoff to Stanford Ponzi, from SEC to Congress: in dire need of political reforms

Another Ponzi scheme has allegedly been uncovered now, led by the Texas Financier R. A. Stanford, who may have swindled about 50,000 investors out of US $8 billion, or so.  The Feds have raided his house of cards but were having a hard time finding him. 

At US $50 billion, Madoff may have stood out because of the sheer magnitude of his scam.  But obviously he is not alone in large Ponzi schemes, not even within the US.  As global financial conditions have continued to deteriorate, the nakedness of those emperors without clothes is starkly exposed. 

But like the case of Madoff, this case also raises questions about whether ‘the SEC was asleep at the switch’ in this case as well.  Evidently allegations of fraud (and possible drug money laundering) have been made against Stanford over the past decade.  Yet the SEC took belated action very recently only after two former employees filed a lawsuit in civil court.

 

Lessons from America for the US Financial Crisis?: the case of Chile

Forbes Magazine invited me to write an article on corruption.  Among others, I argue that the US financial crisis is a major and overdue wake-up call to the dormant anticorruption field, which for too long has focused on conventional second-order issues (here the article).   I also suggest that some humility could help: for a change, lessons from an emerging economy could be useful to the current situation in the US.  We know that the experience of Sweden in addressing their past financial crisis  offers some insights. 

But it is also important to draw on the lessons from other countries.  Let us focus on Chile, another country in the Americas (the era of equating the US with America should be over anyway).  I am getting questions about the parallels and insights from Chile for the US crisis.  Let me bring up a few points here, with some more detail than in Forbes.

 

Bailout a la Swedish? Not without transparency and tough measures

With a new administration in the White House, different approaches to address the persistent financial crisis are on the table, once more.  Over the last week there's been some talking about the creation of an "aggregator bank" -also called 'bad' bank- that will buy troubled assets with part of the remaining bailout funds (TARP), aiming to take toxicity off financial institutions' balance sheets. 

An aggregator bank that eats all of the junk in the financial sector is expected to finally unfroze credit markets, and gives new life to the idea of a bailout a la Swedish.  However, the Nordic country's experience draws some specific governance lessons that go beyond separating good and bad assets, and that are applicable regardless of the technicalities, features and context that make both cases different.

 

Ponzi Schemes in Russia, Colombia and the US: from Mavrodi to Murcia to Madoff (MMM)

Very recently we witnessed political and social unrest in Colombia due to the implosion of the DMG pyramid scheme (named after the scammer, David Murcia Guzman).  And now we got Madoff in Wall Street.  These cases today show how difficult it is sometimes to learn from the past.  Especially when past events are far way in space and time…

I have received articles from experts in Colombia who found parallels in their current case with the analysis I made long time ago on the Mavrodi’s MMM pyramid scheme collapse, which inflicted major pain on so many Russian citizens in 1994.  The focus of my old article was on the MMM Russian case.  But there were other such financial collapses caused by pyramid schemes at that time, including in Romania, and then the tragic case of Albania, in which 2,000 citizens died during the civil war that ensued.

 

How about next G-20 Summit on good governance for sound financial markets?

The first G-20 summit, focused on the financial crisis, just took place this past weekend.  When measured against expectations of such gatherings, there were some accomplishments.  Such as in trade:  the collective pledge to avoid raising any trade and investment barriers, or the promise to ‘strive’ for a deal on the stalled Doha round.  And the  summit's ‘action plan’ holds promise. 

The declaration includes a generic list of a plethora of financial sector  ‘principles’ and many areas of work.  But at least it is comprehensive in scope, touching on most of the right ‘buttons’.  It provides space to work concretely on real issues.

Capture and the Financial Crisis: An Elephant forcing a rethink of Corruption?

Mushrooming analysis of the determinants of the financial crisis are all over the web.  They range from simplistic and blanket accusations of the ‘greed’ of the market capitalism to the arcane technical explanation of a misguided regulatory covenant on the other. And the spectrum is crowded, including the misstep by Treasury Secretary Paulson in letting Lehman fail that fateful weekend.

When all is said and done, some consensus may emerge about which particular combination of a few fundamental factors, coupled with recent policy and oversight failure, were culprits. I am not weighing in now on what the precise ingredients of such debacle were.  Instead, I want to focus on one factor that has often been kept under wraps:  the regulatory and policy capture by vested interests.  This has been years in the making.  And we have been researching and measuring the notion of capture for a decade, and providing some general warning. A frank and open debate about this issue, grounded on sound analytics and data, is overdue.