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Macroeconomic Management

Are Services the Trade of the Future?


You see trade in services happening all around us. Medical tourism is an increasingly popular option, as patients seek affordable medical treatment in countries such as Costa Rica and Thailand. American students are choosing to earn their undergraduate degrees in Europe and Asia rather than staying close to home. More companies are finding their survival depends on business process outsourcing in developing countries. This growing phenomenon of trade in services has become the most salient characteristic of globalization.

Just a few decades ago, services such as tourism, distribution and communication were considered in the economic literature to be stagnant sectors or of little economic relevance. But now, they are a key determinant of overall countries competitiveness. Many of the costs that determine the competitiveness of domestic industries are associated with the availability and reliability of services. Moreover, trade in services is growing faster than trade in goods. The share of developing countries in exports of world services increased from 11 percent in 1990 to 21 percent in 2008.

In fact, the topic of trade in services has become a subject of recent debate among economists – between those who believe manufacturing will continue to prevail and those who side with services as the future of trade.

Who SEZ One Size Fits All?

(Photo: Wiki Commons User: merlion444)From Singapore to Shenzhen, Special Economic Zones—SEZs for short—have helped underpin the rapid export-oriented growth of East Asia. In an effort to replicate these sleepy-fishing-village-turn-thriving-metropolis success stories, many countries in the developing world have created economic zones of their own—and their growth has been dramatic. In 1986 the International Labor Organization’s SEZ database reported 176 zones in 47 countries; twenty years later in 2006, there were more than 3,500 zones in 130 countries.

Various policy objectives have motivated the creation—and exponential expansion—of SEZs around the world. Generally, governments have created these zones to attract foreign direct investment, to alleviate large-scale unemployment, to support wider economic reform strategies, or to experiment with the application of new policies. The model has been extremely successful in many countries—in the Dominican Republic, for example, it allowed for the creation of more than 100,000 manufacturing jobs. However, such successes have not been universal or without controversy in the past, nor are they guaranteed in the future. In a post-crisis world with a changing macroeconomic and regulatory environment, new challenges have emerged, and some of the principles underlying traditional economic zones are no longer sustainable.

Remittances Rebound but Pressures Persist

Remittances, or the money migrant workers send home to their countries of origin, are finally recovering to pre-crisis levels. In 2010, remittance flows to developing countries reached $325 billion, and they are poised to continue growing sustainably through 2013, according to the World Bank’s latest Outlook for Remittance Flows 2011-13.


This is very good news for developing countries. For many of them, money sent by their migrant workers living abroad is a very important source of external financing –sometimes even higher than the revenues obtained from oil exports or tourism. Thanks to the money being made in the U.S. by their relatives, millions of Mexican families can put food at their tables, just as Indians and Filipinos benefit the same way from the remittances sent from rich and oil producing countries in the Middle East.


But there is no time to be complacent. Individuals dependent on remittances are not out of the woods yet. For example, remittance flows to Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as to Eastern Europe and Central Asia, remained almost flat in 2010 because of the economic troubles in the U.S. and Western Europe. And although these flows started growing again in the first quarter of 2011, threats to the recovery remain.

The Cost of Financial Reform for Emerging Markets

In the aftermath of the global economic crisis, financial market regulators have proposed a myriad of reforms to better govern the banking sector and to enhance its resilience to future shocks. In fact, in September 2010, a number of measures were agreed upon by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, an international forum designed to foster cooperation and develop standards on banking supervisory matters. The cornerstone of these reforms—collectively known as “Basel III”—is a commitment to stronger capital and liquidity requirements, which will ensure that banks are better able to absorb losses in the future. Other significant measures include reforms to improve supervision, risk management, governance, transparency, and disclosure in the financial sector.

As I argued in a recent article, “Reviving a Policy Marriage,” such a harmonization of financial supervision and macroeconomic management can be the key to happy cyclical endings in the long-term. However, concerns have been raised that the costs of moving to higher capital ratios may lead banks to raise their interest rates and reduce lending in the short-term, which can pose financing problems for emerging markets that are dependent on global banking flows.

In the most recent edition of the World Bank’s Economic Premise series, authors Swati Ghosh, Naotaka Sugawara, and Juan Zalduendo examine the short-term impacts of the regulatory changes proposed under Basel III on emerging markets.

Macro-Disasters

Earlier this month, Japan experienced one of the worst natural disasters in its history, an earthquake and subsequent tsunami that claimed the lives of thousands of people and drastically changed the lives of countless more. Sadly, this tragedy is another in a string of natural disasters that have occurred over the past few years, such as the earthquakes in Haiti and Chile, wildfires in Russia, and floods in Pakistan, West Africa, Sri Lanka, Brazil, and Australia. Over the past 10 years more than 2.6 billion (yes, billion with a “B”) have been affected by natural catastrophes, compared with 1.6 billion in the previous decade. What’s more, the IMF estimates that the costs of damages from natural disasters are 15 times higher than they were in the middle of the twentieth century.

So why the drastic increase? Why have natural disasters escalated in both frequency and severity? A growing body of research suggests a link between climate change and the occurrence of hydro-metrological disasters—especially floods and droughts—over the past two decades. To be sure, the number of such disasters has gone from some 150 per year in the 1980s to more than 370 per year in the 2000s.

Why Official Bailouts Tend Not to Work: An Example Motivated by Greece 2010

A newsclip in the DECPG Daily dated April 19, 2010, noted: “After Greek aid talks were delayed by disrupted air travel, Greek bond premiums relative to German bunds spiked again on Monday.  Air travel disruptions caused by Iceland’s recent volcanic eruption delayed the start of talks on a potential bailout package.... The delay could further weigh on already anxious markets”.  As it turns out, spreads on Greek bonds continued to rise, and significantly, even after the EU-IMF rescue package was finalized.  The reasons why are explored in an article Christophe Chamley and I wrote for The Economists' Voice

The basic idea is as follows.  Suppose a country is experiencing fiscal solvency problems. Then an official loan rescue package could spark a sell-off by private creditors if they perceive the official loans as senior to their own claims unless primary fiscal surpluses are raised substantially.  The sell-off would tend to depress bond prices and raise spreads relative to the benchmark country.

This is not the first time an official country bailout has run into trouble--nor will it be the last.  In 2001, Homi Kharas, Sergei Ulatov and I wrote a paper on the 1998 Russian crisis in which we argued that the design of the official rescue package hastened the Russian meltdown.  Here's what we said on page 43 of the paper:“A debt-based (official) liquidity injection that aims to boost confidence could worsen public debt dynamics while offering heavily exposed (private) investors a convenient selling opportunity....the financing portion of the package could actually trigger a crisis if the market is sufficiently skeptical about the implementation of fiscal and structural reforms. This argument is even stronger if the (official) liquidity injection involves debt that is perceived to be senior to existing claims of private creditors."

Frontiers in Development Policy: the Role of Macro-Prudential Policies

The devastating impact of the global financial crisis, which consequently turned into a global economic crisis, created a consensus that pre-crisis financial regulation didn’t take the “Big Picture” of the system as a whole sufficiently into account. As a result, according to the views of many, supervisors in many markets “missed the forest for the tress”. In other words, among other mistakes, they did not take into account the macro-prudential aspects of regulation, which was not the focus of many authorities.

Looking ahead, fixing the fragilities in the global financial system is a key priority. For this reason, the World Bank Institute organized a session on “"Frontiers in Development Policy: the Role of Macro-Prudential Policies"” held in conjunction with the 12th Annual Conference of the Global Development Network, “Financing Development in a Post-Crisis World: The Need for a Fresh Look” which took place in Bogotá, Colombia, January 13 to 15, 2011.

This session focused on macro-prudential policies, which relate to the use of prudential tools to promote the stability of the financial system as a whole, not just that of individual institutions. These policies deal with the intersection of the real economy and the financial sector, providing a birds-eye view of the entire system. In our interconnected, interdependent and highly globalized world, these policies will and has become increasingly important, both in steering the global economy out of the crisis, in moving toward new sources of growth, and averting the next financial crisis.

The session provided an introduction to the basics of macro prudential policies, as well as the critical issues currently being discussed in the financial system policymaking circles. The key takeaways are as follows:

Delivering Aid Differently

There has been an ongoing debate on the future need for foreign aid—a debate made ever more crucial by the current budget constraints in many countries as a result of the financial crisis. Some contend that aid budgets should be ramped up to counter the continued existence of severe poverty in the world; others argue that aid has been ineffective in the past, and in some cases, stymied growth in developing countries. In between these two poles, we are confronted with the new realities of foreign development aid.

As emphasized by Wolfgang Fengler and Homi Kharas, authors of Delivering Aid Differently—Lessons from the Field, the recent transformations in the foreign aid environment are threefold. First, strong growth in the developing world has changed the face of aid recipients. Where developing countries were once collectively grouped as the “Third World,” previously poor countries and regions are transcending the need for aid—and some are becoming donors themselves. Second, a new troupe of actors is stepping onto the donor stage. In addition to the aid provided by traditional donors, a vast array of international non-governmental organizations, philanthropic foundations, multinational corporations, and faith communities are assuming a larger role than ever. Third, innovation, information, and technology are changing the delivery of aid. In terms of building local capacity to take on today’s development challenges, the transfer of knowledge is now becoming as important as financial aid itself.

How Public Spending Can Help You Grow

Last week’s State of the Union underscored the debate surrounding public spending as a measure to stimulate economic growth. President Barrack Obama argued that to “win the future” the US needs to make significant public expenditures to update the country’s infrastructure, health, and educational systems. The opposite view is that economic growth can only occur through decreased public spending and private sector growth.

Such varied opinions on public expenditures do not exist in the US alone—the debate is global. From the US to the UK, from Europe to Africa, from Latin America to Southeast Asia, to spend or not to spend is a question faced everywhere.

Beyond the epicenter of the economic crisis—the US and Western Europe—public spending has had an indeterminate effect on

The Day After Tomorrow: Macro-Financial Policy Catches Up With Reality

The 2008–09 crisis opened the door to a different kind of thinking in international macroeconomics—and closed it on some of the previous orthodoxy. Let’s take a look at some of the most obvious cases.

First, some now see a bit of inflation (perhaps as high as 5 percent per year) as desirable for countries that pursue inflation targets, because it would allow more space to reduce nominal interest rates when an economy falls in recession. In fact, what to target (e.g., consumer, producer, asset, housing, or other prices) is the question.

Second, regulatory parameters and practices in the financial sector have proved to be