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Exploring the interactions among public opinion, governance, and the public sphere

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"People, Spaces, Deliberation" was launched in 2008 by the Communication for Governance and Accountability Program (CommGAP) and is now published by the External Affairs Operational Communication of the World Bank. The blog is edited by Sina Odugbemi and Diana Chung.
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Post-Conflict

Post-Conflict Lessons: Reconstruction, Stabilization, Governance . . . and Gryffindor?

For those who haven't yet seen, this Foreign Policy piece presents a detailed, highly nuanced plan for stabilization, reconstruction and post-conflict reconciliation and good governance - as applied to the world of Harry Potter after the (er, spoiler alert, I guess) defeat of Voldemort at the end of the last book.


I appreciate the section on good governance and the nod to public sphere issues in particular - media diversification (the Daily Prophet really could use some serious competition), involvement of new media, etc. Could use a bit more emphasis on the role of civil society in the wizarding world, both in holding the new Ministry of Magic leaders to account as well as in helping create a post-conflict consensus around the legitimacy of the transitional government. But, overall, it's a decent plan - and a nice refresher on some major post-conflict issues. 

The Perils of Biased Communication II: Fragile States

In my last blog post I wrote about the dangers of biased communication to a fair and level political playing field. In Western media systems the political polarization of media reporting (I hesitate to call it "news") is a somewhat recent phenomenon, but it's stark reality in countries where the media is owned by the government or a few influential political factions. Biased communication is not only problematic with regards to misinformation of the public.

In fragile states in particular biased communication can keep conflict alive, stir up unrest among the population, and endanger the formation of one unified idea of a nation. In fragile and post-conflict countries, communication, including the mass media, should ideally contribute to restoring a shared national identity and strengthen citizens' loyalty to their country. But consider the case of, for instance, Iraq: Ownership of private media is in the hands of competing political and ethnic factions. Their respective broadcasts reflect conflicting agendas, potentially widening the gap between Iraq’s communities, weakening a sense of national belonging and furthering the development of competing identities along sectarian lines, setting the country on a course of partition.

Provoking Exit, not Loyalty, in Post-Conflict States

You know the usual story: a political community is sundered by ethnic or sectarian conflict, things fall apart; after a hot season or two of killings and mayhem peace is negotiated, and the domestic political process resumes. The international community insists on elections. They are held in a rough and ready manner, a faction wins and forms a government. Then what happens? The winners start using the powers of the state to smash opponents anew and entrench themselves in power. Very often, the winners do this just because they can. I call them the new authoritarians. They have learned nothing and forgotten nothing. 
 

Building Government Communication Capacity in a Time of Narrative Power Shifts

Debate about how the current information-abundant communication environment is impacting global politics has long entered the circles of communication practitioners and academics. However, findings remain mixed. Optimists argue that new information and communication technologies (ICTs) – mobile phones, commercially available satellite imagery, and, of course, the Internet – have fundamentally changed the power relationship between state and non-state actors such as NGOs, transnational advocacy networks, and citizens. Information is now available to various political actors at low cost, thus breaking the information monopoly of the nation-state. In turn, non-state actors gain in narrative power, understood as the capacity to generate, manage, and distribute information to the public.

Economics Discovers Accountability

Paul Collier, renown economist and author of The Bottom Billion, promotes accountability to be one of the two vital public services that a state should provide to its citizens. In his new book Wars, Guns, and Votes (launched this week at the International Monetary Fund) Collier discusses the importance of security and accountability for the success of unstable or weak democracies. Security, of course, is usually perceived of as the most important public good, as every economist will learn in the first semester at college.

Chicken or Egg?

Communication is - sadly - not at the core of most development work. At CommGAP we often hear: we need to strengthen the economy first. We need to stabilize the country first. We need to ensure the delivery of public services first. We can think about building an independent media system later, but first we must make sure the people don't starve, or die in conflicts, or are supressed by their governments. Yes - and no. Of course these are the main objectives of development work. But communication mediated through a free and independent media is an important but underutilized component of peacebuilding efforts, of nation building, of economic aid.

Are We Missing a Link? Communication in Post-Conflict Societies

When we're advocating for more attention to the role of independent media systems in developing nations, we often hear the question: What about conflict and post-conflict societies? Isn't it much more important to build peace first, to provide humanitarian aid, and to stimulate economic growth before thinking about what the people see on television?

Building Sustainable Media Development Projects

CommGAP's work on a toolkit for media development continues - last week our round table of experts, led by Shanthi Kalathil, met again. This time the discussion focused on how to make development projects economically sustainable. Well - or not. Participants agreed that sometimes such projects aren't supposed to be sustainable. In conflict situations, for example, donors may want to establish a short term project that is only active during the conflict.

Johan Galtung and the “P” Word

On a cold January evening, shortly after watching President Obama take office from a crowded bar in central London, I dashed across town to the Palace of Westminster to listen to the wise words of Johan Galtung who was talking at the All Party Parliamentary Group for Conflict Issues.

In the field I work in, Galtung is a legend.  The 78 year-old Norwegian socialist is the grandfather of peace studies and has mediated in over 40 conflicts around the world.  He has been a peace activist most of his life – in his teens he was sent to prison for insisting that he be engaged in peace-making activities rather than serving in the military.  

Toolkit for a Tricky Business

What makes media development work? It seems that even development specialists don't always know. To close this knowledge gap, CommGAP is working on a media development toolkit for governance advisors, giving recommendations on how to implement successful media development projects.

Basis of this toolkit is a learning needs assessment study that CommGAP commissioned at the end of last year. The two main findings: many governance advisors aren't aware of the importance of the media in governance. The few who are describe their media-related capabilities as "emerging" or "unsophisticated."