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Violence

Making the 2030 sustainable development agenda work for fragile and conflict affected states

Anne-Lise Klausen's picture

At a technical meeting of the g7+ group of fragile states, participants from Haiti to Timor Leste gathered with a mission: to sift through the many proposed indicators for the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and select 20 indicators for joint g7+ monitoring.
 
Hosted recently in Nairobi by the World Bank’s Fragility, Conflict and Violence Group, it was the first time that 17 out of 20 g7+ members were present, including senior officials from the National Statistics Offices and others. West African countries were particularly well represented. Their discussions were passionate: “We were mere spectators to the Millennium Development Goals. Now we want to actively push our specific challenges to the center of SDGs implementation,” said one.  “Our motto is that no one is left behind,” said another.

Join webcast this Dec. 7 -- Violence against Women and Girls: It’s Everybody’s Business

Claudia Gabarain's picture

As part of the World Bank's involvement in the #16Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign, we'll be holding a discussion  this Monday, December 7 at 9:30 a.m. EST (14:30 GMT) to look at how we can end violence against women and girls. Moderated by journalist Joanne Levine, it'll include gynecologist and Sakharov Prize winner Denis Mukwege, M.D.; pediatrician Nadia Hashimi; Imam Yahya Hendi from Georgetown University; the president of the Representation Project, Kristen Joiner; and World Bank Vice President for the Africa Region, Makhtar Diop.

Follow the live stream here and participate through the live blog hosted by experts in gender issues here at the Bank.
 

How Jordan is expanding its assistance to victims of gender-based violence

Paul Prettitore's picture
Grasping the full extent of violence against women is difficult everywhere.   In the Middle East, it can be both difficult and dangerous for women to report abuse given social attitudes toward the roles of women and men within the family. 

In Jordan, the violence against girls and women embodies the problem.  The Jordanian government’s Population and Family Health Survey captures only a portion of the scale of violence against women.  Social norms are at play; roughly 70% of Jordanian women think there are circumstances that justify a husband beating his wife.  Over one-third (34%) of Jordanian women report that they have experienced some form of physical violence since the age of 15.  One in three Jordanian women experienced some form of emotional, physical, and/or sexual violence from their spouse, and almost 1 in 10 experience sexual violence at least once in their lifetime. 

One of the major concerns resulting from the survey is that almost half (47%) the women reporting violence did not seek any type of help, with less than 5% taking steps to address sexual violence.  Very few women seek help from medical providers, police, lawyers or social service organizations. 

Over the past four years the World Bank Group has been collaborating with the Justice Center for Legal Aid (JCLA) -- a Jordanian civil society organization -- to pilot legal aid services for poor Jordanians as well as Syrian, Iraqi and Palestinian refugees.  As is often the case, poverty status is a strong indicator of the likelihood of violence in Jordan.  Poorer women were more likely to report all types of violence, and higher frequency of such violence.  They are also more likely to believe such violence is justified. 

The legal aid program provides awareness/information, counseling and legal representation by a lawyer to aid the poor in addressing legal problems.  The majority of JCLA beneficiaries – just over 70% - are women.  And one of the ‘justice gaps’ identified by JCLA is in providing effective legal services to female victims of violence. 

Jordan adopted legislation to protect victims of domestic violence in 2008, giving victims, for the first time, access to protection orders – one of the most effective tools in addressing violence.  Victims can also receive direct compensation.  It also provided confidential proceedings and procedures to detain alleged abusers.  A specialized institution – the Family Protection Department of the Ministry of Interior – was established to implement the reform, providing access to multiple services, including complaints/investigation, medical care and social counseling.   
 
Yet the law left a number of gaps in place.  It applies only to perpetrators living with the victims, so ex-husbands, boyfriends and brothers may not be covered, and the survey shows they are often the ones committing the abuse. It also leaves in place a heavy focus on reconciliation, to the possible detriment of protecting the victims.   Lack of shelters for victims, along with the inability to link requests for child custody and child support with protection orders, may prevent many women from seeking help. 

To date, JCLA’s assistance has been focused primarily around awareness and information for victims.  This focus is now about to grow.  With the assistance of the World Bank Group, JCLA is launching an initiative to provide more comprehensive services to women victims of violence.  The plans include establishing a referral system in the Family Protection Department and placing a legal aid lawyer at each of the Department’s in-take centers.

What do we hope to achieve?  There are several opportunities.  The overarching goal is to ensure poor women can access services and achieve some level of justice to address the violence they suffer.  More specifically, the referral system should aid in providing victims the legal services they need to initiate and navigate criminal proceedings, including obtaining and enforcing protection orders.     Victims will also have assistance addressing legal problems commonly linked to domestic violence, such as divorce, child custody, child support and alimony. 

As a lawyer, I volunteer my time representing poor persons, including women seeking protection orders, at the Superior Court here in Washington, D.C.  I understand the importance of providing legal assistance to female victims of domestic violence, and am encouraged to see such an initiative launched in Jordan.  

If you cannot say it, then draw it: comic books against gender-based violence in India

Ram Devineni's picture
(The author is a co-creator of the comic book “Priya’s Shakti”, a multimedia project that helps illuminate attitudes toward gender-based violence (GBV) through the Hindu mythological canon.)
 
Tushar Kamble with the comic book panel he drew about one of his teachers.

Before creating the comic book “Priya’s Shakti”  we spoke with several rape survivors and their accounts were critical in developing our story. What they told us had a profound impact on everyone involved. We knew we had to create a compelling and inspiring character – Priya, who is a survivor of rape and the hero of our comic book.
 
While finishing the comic book, we realized that the process of drawing Priya made us more sensitive and aware of the struggles of the real-life women we interviewed and who influenced our character. We wanted to share the power of storytelling and drawing with teenagers in India and elsewhere.
 
We observed that the internet and watching TV is a very passive endeavor and once it is over, the viewer is disconnected from what they experienced. But, drawing and especially telling the stories of survivors of gender-based violence was a very active process and had a lasting effect on the people who were involved. The more the person was engaged with the subject – the deeper their empathy was with them.

Violence in South Asia casts a lifelong shadow over women and girls

Rohini P. Pande's picture

Our recent book, Violence Against Women and Girls: Lessons from South Asia, contains some startling facts. Some 77 percent of girls in Bangladesh are married before they turn 18. India has the world’s second most skewed child sex ratio. Almost 20 percent of married Pakistani adolescents reported spousal violence in 2012. All South Asian countries have laws addressing gender-based violence on the books, while thousands of organizations across the region are working to address it.
 
Our book—which drew from vast data and more than 600 articles, books, and other published material—was the first to document and compare in a single volume the details and dynamics of the pervasive violence girls and women may face across all eight countries in South Asia: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. It simultaneously examines the multiple forms of violence they encounter across the life-cycle, from childhood through old age, as well as accumulated research about this phenomenon and interventions aimed at preventing and halting it.
 

How violent extremism links to violence against women

Alys Willman's picture
(This is part of the #16Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign. Look here for a new blog post on this topic over the next two weeks.)

The events of the past two weeks -- the high-profile extremist violence in Beirut, Paris and Mali –challenge us to  think about what it means to be female in groups that endorse or endure these appalling atrocities.   As a social scientist who has spent decades studying gender-based violence, I am reminded of a recent discussion at the United Nations General Assembly in September, where a panel of experts looked at “Integrating a Gender Dimension in Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism: Policy and Practice.” 

Violent extremist groups “have attacked women and imposed limits on their dress, mobility, and freedom of expression for a long time. We know women’s full participation in society is good for everyone. We cannot let the lack of a gender focus be a barrier to progress anymore,” said Ingvild Stub, State Secretary in the Norwegian Prime Minister’s Office.   

Democracy and Crime: An Old Question Awaiting New Answers

José Cuesta's picture
Also available in: Français | العربية | Español

The recent political unrest and violence occurring across the world have revived an old question, one that is so straightforward that it rarely gets a straightforward and convincing answer: Does democracy fuel or quench violence? For decades, sociologists, historians, political scientists, criminologists, and economists have hypothesized numerous associations, predicting just about any result.

Let’s focus on democracy’s relationship with crime. Democracies have been predicted to fuel crime (conflict theory); decrease crime (civilization theory); initially raise and then decrease crime (modernization perspective); have no impact at all (null hypothesis); or have an unpredictable impact depending on the development of their political institutions (comparative advantage theory).

In a recently published paper, I argue that the many existing explanations relating crime and democracy suffer from what I describe as an “identification” problem. The different explanations are not necessarily exclusionary in terms of their determinants, mechanisms, and predictions, which makes testing those explanations a rather difficult business. Furthermore, predictions are imprecise. This is unsurprising when dealing with concepts as fluid as democratization, political transitions, and democratic maturity. Arguments talk vaguely of early and late stages and of short or medium terms to describe the processes’ dynamics. The result is a broad range of predictions consistent with various hypotheses simultaneously.