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One way to interpret these would be: how “clientelist” politics (the provision of targeted benefits from state resources in direct exchange for political support) can generally be associated with policies of inefficient redistribution, such as through identity-based political networks. Another way, would be as “populist” policies, which is a term less well defined in the literature—how politicians might face pressures to implement policies that deliver more-universal, less conditioned (on a direct quid-pro-quo for votes), but nevertheless private benefits, at the expense of broad public goods. Populist policy choices might have less pernicious consequences than more clientelist choices, relatively speaking, but might nevertheless be sub-optimal (from a welfare perspective). I can’t think of anything in the literature which formalizes these types of comparisons of different sources of political distortions. Continuing with the luxury of conjecturing, my intuition would be that if the conditions of political contestation have moved away from clientelism, towards populism, reflecting greater political responsiveness to a broader group of citizens, that may offer potential to move further, towards more public-goods platforms.