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Four charts on gender gaps we still need to close

Tariq Khokhar's picture
Also available in: 中文 | العربية | Français | Español | 日本語

The World Bank Group has just launched a new gender data portal that brings together sex-disaggregated and gender-relevant data on topics ranging from education, demographics, and health to jobs, asset ownership, and political participation. We’ve also just released the Little Data Book on Gender 2016 along with online tables that are linked to the latest data available in the World Development Indicators

Gender data are one of the most visited parts of our data site, and these new resources make it easier than ever to see our data’s gender dimensions. The country and topic dashboards give an overview of the distribution and trends in data across important themes, and the online tables and book are a useful reference for the most commonly accessed data. 

Below I’ve picked a few charts from the new portal related to the four pillars of the Bank Group’s new gender equality strategy. These aims focus on improving human endowments, through better access to health, education, and social protection; opening up more and better jobs by tackling issues such as skills gaps and care arrangements; expanding women’s access to and control over assets;  and enhancing women’s voice and agency, meaning their ability to make themselves heard and exert control over key aspects of their own lives.
 

(Almost) middle class

Oscar Calvo-González's picture
Also available in: Español | Portuguese | 中文

The group of Latin Americans still vulnerable to fall back into poverty has moved tantalizingly close to middle class status in the past decade. The so-called vulnerable, who have escaped poverty but have not yet made it to the middle class, remain the largest socio-economic group in Latin America. In fact, their share of the population increased slightly (38 percent in 2013, up from 35 percent in 2003). But, importantly, their living conditions improved significantly in the same period. The incomes of the vulnerable are today much closer to those of the middle class – even if their growth in incomes was not enough to cross over to the middle class.

Source: SEDLAC (World Bank and CEDLAS). Note: The curves report the kernel density estimate of the logarithm of family per capita income. They are calculated using pooled harmonized data from 17 countries. In order to analyze the same set of countries every year, interpolation was applied when country data were not available for a given year. 

Where are the cheapest and most expensive countries to own a mobile phone?

Tariq Khokhar's picture
Also available in: العربية | Français


Eight in 10 people in the developing world own a mobile phone, but the cost of using mobiles varies significantly. The 2016 World Development Report explores the impact of the Internet and mobiles on human development.

If you're interested in exploring this data a bit further, I put together a dashboard using the original data source (Table 4.2 in the ITU's Measuring the Information Society 2015 - PDF link). Since extracting data from a PDF isn't always error free, I take responsibility for any "transcription errors" - but having looked it over a couple of times, I don't see anything obviously amiss. 

Classifying countries by income: A new working paper

Neil Fantom's picture
Also available in: 中文 | العربية | Français | Español


"The World By Income"

We’ve
just released a working paper reviewing the Bank’s classification of countries by income. As Tariq Khokhar and Umar Serajuddin pointed out in their recent blog about whether we should call countries developing or not, there’s a strong appetite for classifying and ranking countries. Where is the best country to live, according to the OECD? (it depends, but it might be Australia, Norway or Sweden.) Which are making the most social progress, according to the Social Progress Imperative? (Norway and Sweden again.) Where is it easiest to do business, according to the World Bank? (Singapore.) Which countries have highest or lowest human development, according to the United Nations Development Program? (that’s Norway once more, and Niger is lowest.).

Using GNI per capita

The World Bank has used a specific measure of economic development - gross national income (GNI) per capita - for the purpose of ranking and classifying countries for over 50 years. The first compendium of these statistics was called the World Bank Atlas, published in 1966 - it had just two estimates for each country: its population, and its per capita gross national product in US dollars, both for 1964. Then, the highest reported average income per capita was Kuwait, with $3,290. In second place was the United States, with $3,020, third was Sweden, a fair way behind, with $2,040. The bottom three were Ethiopia, Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), and Malawi, with GNP per capita estimates of $50, $45 and $40 respectively (GNI used to be called GNP). It probably comes as no surprise that today Norway is top. Malawi is still bottom.

Dataviz remake: the fall in extreme poverty, the best news in the world

Neil Fantom's picture
Also available in: 中文



The World Bank’s President called it “
best news in the world” when the 2015 forecast of  extreme poverty rates was released in October, showing that less than 10% of the world’s population now live in extreme poverty. It is great news indeed and it was widely reported in the press.

Some colleagues circulated the New Yorker magazine’s “Four Charts That Defined the World in 2015” from last week - their inclusion of the fall in global extreme poverty is very welcome.

However, some of us found the chart they used to be a little tricky to interpret, and because we see the issues below quite regularly, we thought doing a quick remake and explanation would be worthwhile. 

2015_Charts_Poverty-690.jpg

Via The New Yorker

  What’s wrong with this picture? A few things stand out:

Sub-Saharan Africa’s sovereign bond issuance boom

Rasiel Vellos's picture

The newly released 2016 edition of the International Debt Statistics (IDS) shows a rapid rise in sovereign bond issuance in some Sub-Saharan African countries. This includes those countries that have benefited from Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) and Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) debt relief programs.

The chart above shows that sovereign bond issuance in certain Sub-Saharan African countries has risen substantially over the past 4 years. At the end of 2011, bond issuance totaled $1 billion and by the end of 2014, it amounted to $6.2 billion. Steady global market conditions and the potential for higher returns for investors have helped pave the way for more access to international markets, where the average return for these bond issuances is about 6.6%, with an average maturity of 10 years.

For these Sub-Saharan African countries, the proceeds from these sovereign bonds are used to benchmark for future government and corporate bond markets issues, to manage the public debt portfolio, and for infrastructure financing.

A tale of two regions?

Oscar Calvo-González's picture
Also available in: Español | Portuguese

"Did poverty drop in Latin America because of good policies or good luck?" I am often asked this question after I tell people that poverty in the region fell from 40 to 25 percent between 2003 and 2013. The answer is a bit of both.

As the chart below demonstrates, there is no question that the poor living in countries that were favored by high commodity prices benefited more than those in other countries. More to the point, as the chart also highlights, the tremendous rise in revenues coming from the boom in commodity prices led to an increase in labor income that helps explain much of the poverty reduction seen in commodity exporting countries.

Note: We group countries as having experienced a 'commodity boom' if their terms of trade increased by an average of 2 percent or more per year over 2003-2013.

To me, however, an interesting story hides behind the line of the non-commodity exporting countries. Even without the benefit of the commodity boom wave, those countries also managed to reduce poverty by a respectable 7 percentage points.

Why data was crucial to Burkina Faso’s first election since uprising

Liz Carolan's picture
Also available in: Français

Results of the west African country’s presidential election were openly available in real time, fostering confidence in the fairness of the result

 
 A street vendor sells newspapers in Ouagadougou on 3 December following the election of Roch Marc Kabore to the presidency. Photograph: Issouf Sanogo/AFP/Getty Images 
 

Democratic elections in transitional states are never straightforward. With limited experience to draw on, finite resources and a lack of transparency, it’s not uncommon for rumours, tensions and civil unrest to overshadow the process and undermine faith in the results.

But by midday on Monday 30 November – the day after Burkina Faso’s presidential election – citizens had a reliable early indication of who would be their first elected head of state since the overthrow of strongman Blaise Compaoré last year.

The difference was clear. For the first time, the results of the count were made openly available in real time. The official election website showed live results by district for each presidential candidate, and which candidate was leading in each province.

Trust is vital at all times during an election process. But one of the most sensitive time periods, especially in transition states, is between the time of polls closing and the time the final results are announced. In other recent elections on the continent, there have been delays of up to four days, creating an environment ripe for the spread of rumours and suspicion.

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